Friday, May 22, 2015

"They are going after their heads": What is going on in Tijuana?

Borderland Beat


(Tijuano´s note: The following is an article published by AFN Tijuana which provides their version of what is going on right now in Tijuana, I decided to translate and post it here because it could explain the rise in execution in Tijuana in the past weeks, AFN is known in Tijuana, among many things, for having a comment section constantly used for sending threats amongst cartel members, they also have a good grip on whats going on in Tijuana usually having news that others outlets don't publish. I´m sure some readers will not agree with the following and hope to read their comments if they have some info on what´s really going on)

Tijuana, May 21st. 2015.- They call themselves "Nueva Generacion Tijuana"(Tijuana New Generation), they are the heirs of the Arellano Felix brothers, they "work" for those surviving the founders of that cartel, and according to consulted sources they are getting "revenge" for "treason" and doing a "clean up" of those who refuse to abandon "El Aquiles" and his brother "La Rana" and either "pay taxes or leave the business"


According to comments made by AFN´s sources, "revenge" is being taken against Municipal Agents and Agents of the State´s Attorney Office who "jumped ship" and joined the Arzate brothers, meanwhile the "clean up" is targeting drug retail leaders, mainly "galleros and burreros"(mules) from the area of El Murua. It was said that some of the heads found belonged to this people.


This criminal organization-along some alleged Michoacan drug dealers (Tijuano: I´m sure they mean CJNG as Mencho is from Michoacan) first hung a warning banner on April 5th threatening "El Tomate and his people"(Tijuano: Actually it read "La gente del Tomate", which I believe meant Sinaloans in general) while it made clear they would not go after the general public or the authorities. The message was meant for Israel de la Cruz who allegedly worked for the Sinaloa people.

After that there were a couple more banners and a few executions committed without extreme violence, however, in the following weeks the criminal activity grew, as did the written threats which were left, among other ways, written in AFN´s website, one of them read "the worst is just beginning".

Apparently, or so it was said, Municipal Agents and members of the State´s Attorney Office who were working along side the "Tijuana group" changed sides because they "wrongly thought that the family had no power left", this was stated by one of the consulted sources.

Meanwhile, they said, the brothers Alfonso and Rene Arzate Arteaga left Tijuana and are currently in Mexicali where they operate via cell phones with people still loyal to them but who are part of the lower ranks of the organization. They even mentioned that, in order to commit their crimes they hire addicts who get paid with meth doses and "that´s why they fail". One of those consulted claimed "If you saw a direct hit, I mean that the criminals were actually able to kill their target, then it was the Tijuana people, but in the other hand, if they fail, then they are part of Sinaloa".

According to this, the first hit which triggered the fury of the Tijuana group was the execution of Esaul Sahagun Pelayo, who was oficially mentioned as a bodyguard to Luis Manuel Toscano Ramirez aka "El Mono" this past April 9th. "People believed "El Mono" was the shot caller but the truth is his companion was a influential and key element in the local group"


"He was number four inside the structure and the one in charge of the dirty work; under him were the Police Agents working for CAF". Before this, the September 26th, 2014 arrest of Jose Daniel Canales Rodriguez aka "El Ramses", a kidnapper working for the Arellano heirs, had gotten them in the Government´s spotlight.

Canales Rodriguez previously worked for the Forensic Unit of the State Police and quit at the same time he joined CAF; then he got a better job and allegedly was of good use to them because he had a badge and a cop car, however, upon his arrest, it is said he began revealing stuff and "gave them many", which basically means he snitched on them.

In the case of "El Mono", who also worked for CAF, it is believed someone in his family betrayed him, since he had given power to his brother-in-law and cousins and when they jumped to the Arteaga side, then they decided to get rid of whom allegedly had control over Zona Norte in Tijuana.


However, when they killed him, they also killed Esaul, which in return got the Arellano heirs in a war mindset, this deciding to take vengeance for it. After that, anger grew when people allegedly sent by "people of El Akiles and La Rana" tried to execute a former agent called Nidez, killing instead another State Investigator and trainer for the State´s Attorney Office, called Itzel Medina Garibaldi who at the moment was shopping used parts in the Junkyard known as "Shagy" where she arrived in company of Nidez, who ultimately saved his life.

The anger had less to do with the death of the State Investigator and was more related to the fact the killers dared to get inside a place belonging to another person close to the narcotrafficking group led by a former agent known as Nery, accused by his rivals of "gossiping up and down".

In this case, it is said that people working for the Sinaloa drug traffickers decided to kill Nidez, who they blame for the loss of 10 kilograms of crystal meth from a shipment which "had already been bought from the Tijuana people". Asked about this agent, the consulted sources claimed he was a "free agent" in the narco world, because he doesn´t work for anybody in special, but for those who pay the most.

Allegedly, weeks after the arrest of "El Ramses", Municipal Agents where escorting a group of people carrying crystal meth on their way to deliver it when they were suddenly intercepted by State Agents, who were allegedly tipped by Nidez who had alse been tipped by people belonging to the Sinaloa group. A confrontation took place and they notified State Police Operational Chief Juan Manuel Ojeda Sotomayor, who at the same time notified Deputy State Attorney Gilberto Cota Alanis who informed State Attorney Perla del Socorro Ibarra who ordered for all the group to be removed, something which apparently never happened.

The detainee or detainees was/were taken to the Federal Attorney General´s Office where they confessed it wasn´t 15 kilos-as it was reported- but 25 kilos of crystal meth he/they were carrying so he/they believed the agents could have kept the drugs and some versions even mentioned they were already selling it, so the order to kill them was given.

Agent Nidez was then set free and days later another banner was hung, allegedly signed by the deceased agent Itzel Medina in which she reproached Sotomayor and Miguel Velasco, chief of the murder investigation division, of not doing anything to avenge her which "they knew" was ordered by "La Rana" who is working with them.


In regards to the execution of Municipal Agent Juan Jauregui Ruvalcaba this past May 20th when he left his home, it is believed it was ordered by "The people of Tijuana" even thou the Minicipal Public Safety Agency claimed to have arrested the alleged suspect who-unofficially" killed him "for personal reasons".

Anyhow, officially it was claimed the officer died "in the line of duty" and the authority even announced proper honours would be held this Friday. After his murder, mysterious hands hang two banners, one near the area where the execution took place and another one in the Americas bridge-they were promptly removed- they read "That´s going to happen to all those who are with La Rana".


Regarding this Thursday´s case, about the execution in the 5y10 bridge of Public Ministry Agent Omar Fernando Velasquez Hidalgo, they claim it is related to the two heads found inside a cooler this past May 13th, left with a message threatening several people, including "Journalist Ivan Villegas". They claim this message was directed at people working in the newspaper where allegedly Villegas works, they believe so because Velasquez Hidalgo was related to the owner of the newspaper(PRI member Eligio Valencia), there are even pictures showing him in an interview along Eligio Valencia Roque and in a visit to Mexican Congress along plurinominal candidate Eligio Valencia Jr and Villegas himself.

And lastly, regarding those decapitated, they insist the victims are "mules" who have refused to leave the Arteaga group after members of the "Tijuana group" ordered them to "pay taxes to them(Tijuana)" or leave the business.

In recent days, three more human heads have been found, none of which have been identified by authorities. nor there has been an explanation given for the most recent murders.


Original Article in Spanish can be found at AFN TIJUANA.

Thursday, May 21, 2015

The #1 Tip To Start A Successful Blog

There are a lot of “tips” and “tricks” available that you can use to initially drive traffic when you start a blog, but after a while, the search engines start figuring out that you’re not really offering your viewers anything once they get to your site – so they stop sending traffic there at all.

This article is very short, but read it and take note. It contains the biggest ‘secret’ to help you start a successful blog.

#1 Tip To Start A Successful Blog

Publish high quality content on a regular basis

You may have the best SEO keywords on your blog, but without quality content, the search engines are going to start overlooking you. You may get an influx of site traffic for a while, but it will quickly cease as the search engines realize that people aren’t staying on your website very long.

The key to starting a successful blog is to produce quality content that people want to read on a regular basis. If there’s good stuff on there that people are interested in and searching for, the search engines will start sending them to you. It’s as simple as that.

Search engines, especially Google, spend millions of dollars every year on technology that allows them to filter through websites that publish what is known as Internet “crap.”

Perhaps you’ve heard the term “link bait”? These are poorly written articles stuffed with keywords and no real content.

You can only fool search engines with SEO tricks and keywords for so long, if at all these days. If you don’t produce quality content on a regular basis, search engines are going to figure it out and fast.

Wednesday, May 20, 2015

Capture ‘El Señor’ leader of ‘Los Memos’, main collaborator of ‘El Chapo’ Guzmán

Lucio R. Borderland Beat from SIEDO

In Culiacan, federal police captured Adelmo Niebla González or Guillermo Nieblas Nava, aka “El Señor”.

He is identified as one of the main operators of Joaquin" El Chapo "Guzman Loera, leader of the Cartel of the Pacific.

The federal SSP said captured with Niebla Gonzalez, were Javier Alonso Fuentes Tostado and Jose Ramon Ojeda Ruiz.

Seized were two vehicles, three rifles AR-15, 490 grams of cocaine, communications equipment and various documents.

The Public Security Secretariat (SSP) reported that federal detainee was responsible for the transfer of marijuana, methamphetamines and heroin in the municipalities of Puerto Peñasco, General Plutarco Elías Calles, San Luis Río Colorado Maricopa and Casa Grande, in Phoenix, Arizona.

In a statement, the agency said that according to investigations, Niebla Gonzalez, a native of Tamazula, Durango, was also responsible for smuggling weapons into Mexico.

His area of operation also included the cities of Mexicali and Tijuana, Baja California, besides having presence in Culiacan, Sinaloa, and in Tamazula, Durango.

For over 20 years he was established in Sonoyta, Sonora, where he began his criminal career by illegally crossing migrants into the United States; acts for which he was repeatedly arrested, and deported to Mexico.

In 2002 he was detained in the Social Rehabilitation Center in Nogales, Sonora, for drug crimes and organized crime; in 2006 he met Mario Aguirre Avilés, “El 9-9, one of the main operators of Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada and worked under him to traffic drugs into the United States.

Niebla Gonzalez formed its own criminal group called "Los Memos" and he settled in Sonoyta, from where he trafficked drugs, becoming one of the main operators and people most trusted by “El Chapo".

In 2008 he was consigned to the State Center for Social Rehabilitation of the state of Durango on charges of possession of a firearm, however, skipped while on bail and continued the business of trafficking.

The criminal group "Los Memos" maintains strong presence in Sonora; territory shared with organizations allied with the Cartel of the Pacific, including Puerto Peñasco, where he maintains a close relationship with the criminal group of Gonzalo Inzunza, "El Macho Prieto."

An Art Walk on the Edge of Texas – Tales from the Edge

An Art Walk on the Edge of Texas

by Blasita J. Lopez

In current day trends, people have so many more ways to meet, Skype Conferences, Instameets on Instagram and Google+ Hangouts, all on-line and over the World Wide Web, but what if, we went back to our roots?

Several downtown Laredo spots have long been natural gathering scenes because of our unique system of town squares, or plazas, as we like to call them here.  It’s a tradition that has been passed down through generations and borrows from Spanish and Mexican influences over two centuries.  In Texas, only San Antonio and Laredo have more than two plazas, according to one of our sources and friends at the Texas Historical Commission.

In order to preserve this heritage, a new series of activities launched earlier this year are great platforms that allow visitors and locals alike to enjoy each other and downtown Laredo from a new point of view.

One of those recent events is CaminArte, a free, self-guided, walk-at-your-own-pace exploratory activity held in historic downtown Laredo on the first Friday of each month, initiated this past March.  Each location hosts an array of art, some creator demonstrations and art community enthusiasts willing to share their craft.

Participating locations are:

  1. Laredo Center for the Arts
  2. Gallery 201
  3. Laredo Convention and Visitors Bureau
  4. On the Rocks Tavern
  5. Casa Ortiz
  6. Washington’s Birthday Celebration Museum
  7. La Posada Hotel
  8. Plaza San AgustinInterested art-walkers can pick up a map at any one of the above locations and easily follow their own path or the suggested one marked by chalk art clues along the sidewalk, sandwich board signs at each local and Tourism Ambassadors, strategically placed along the route.

Every three months, June 5, September 4 and December 4, CaminArte winds up another notch with the end of the path at San Agustin Plaza and the Streets of Laredo Artisan Bazaar.  Set up with booths all around the plaza, and in June a vintage car show demonstration area, revelers of all ages and sizes will be able to enjoy the ambience of this historic epi-center from 5:00- 9:00 p.m.  Booths will feature handmade wares and goods from regional and local artists and crafters, along with food booths or puestos serving up some street-side cart favorites like taquitos, tortas, corn-in-a-cup, Mexican-style hot dogs, corn-on-the-cob (Laredo style), aguas frescas (fruit-ades) beverages, and fresh fruit with chile and lime, among other tasty foods.

These events bring people together in an ambience of cultural appreciation through art, architecture and food; it allows for people, whether they are visiting or native, in this community to be present in spaces that were meant for gathering, off line and away from your keyboard or device.   This helps to preserve our communities’ heritage spaces and revisit our social roots, where social media all started!  Come take an art walk on the edge of Texas!

****

Blasita Lopez is the Director at the Laredo Convention and Visitors Bureau.

A product of Texas and IH35, began her career as a journalist. Longhorn 4 life!

Monday, May 18, 2015

The New Era of Cartels




The capture and abatement of drug cartel leaders has led to the fragmentation of groups and the emergence of criminal cells throughout the country. U.S. authorities and the PGR identify the current leadership

By: Doris Gómora, Dennis A. García y Marcos Muédano | Translated by Valor for Borderlandbeat

With the capture and abatement of drug cartel leaders in recent years, the structures of the drug cartels in Mexico has fragmented, giving way to a new map of organized crime with the formation of criminal cells that operate in a territorial way; but with the influence that they had in the large organizations, new groups also rose up like the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) who managed to consolidate and expand their power to challenge the territories that are key to the business of the multinational drug trade.

This in-depth analysis of drug trafficking in the country is based on reports from the PGR, the United States Department of Justice and the U.S. Treasury, as well as interviews with experts.

With the arrests of Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán, leader of the Sinaloa Cartel; Servando Gómez “La Tuta”, leader of Los Caballeros Templarios; Vicente Carrillo Fuentes “El Viceroy”, leader of the Juárez Cartel; Miguel and Omar Treviño Morales, leaders of Los Zetas; and the abatement of Nazario Moreno “El Chayo”, who commanded La Familia Michoacana; as well as Ignacio Nacho Coronel and Arturo Beltrán Leyva “El Barbas”, a struggle for the territories worsened with the criminal cells who were operating as their armed wings.

The blows in recent years to drug cartels faded away the image of the great drug lords. Around 15 leaders whose names dominated the scene in the last decade, including dynasties, are now a thing of the past. New leaders emerged, though most only regional or underpowered, with fragmented crime cell organizations that defend a territory. Of the nine cartels operating in the country today, only the Sinaloa, with their old bosses, and the CJNG, maintain hegemony.

The most recent report from the PGR indicates that there are nine cartels operating in Mexico: Sinaloa, Jalisco New Generation, Los Zetas, Gulf, Tijuana, Beltrán Leyva, Juárez, Familia Michoacana and Los Caballeros Templarios.

The department found 45 criminal cells who besides working in drug trafficking, are also in the robbing of petroleum, kidnapping, extortion, and human trafficking.

The old rules imposed by the drug groups from the 1970’s have changed, to make way for the new generation of bosses who, unlike their predecessors, display their operating power even in social networks, where they also threaten their rivals and make their executions public as well as boasting about their luxuries life.

Their powers to corrupt, their ability to infiltrate police forces, their alliances with people in politics and business have not changed. They are the lifeline of their safety net. Their code, “plata o plomo” (silver or lead) also persists.

On the “atomization” of the big cartels, Gerardo Rodríguez, an expert on national security and terrorism, explains that when these criminal cells form, they have greater control over the territories since they know firsthand how the economic flow moves. They can also display their criminal activity better and their local protection networks.

“In the case of Mexico, the Bacrim model (emerging criminal groups) of Colombia, where small groups evolved to other profitable illicit businesses such as extorting economic sectors, merchandise theft, human trafficking, and kidnappings, is being copied,” detailed the member of the Collective of Security Analysis with Democracy (Casede).

The criminal cells, he adds, have territorial control, block by block, from the cities where they operate.

Rodríguez says that the government’s strategy in fighting organized crime is good, however, may fail if the criminal structures, which are structured in the form of a pyramid, are not completely destroyed. “After capturing the big bosses, they have to do the same with other leaders and attack their financial assets.”

Javier Oliva, an expert on national security and an academic of UNAM, believes that “the fragmentation was very predictable; there was already experience in other cases where when they captured leaders of a criminal organization, it tended to divide, which has led to a dispute over turfs. This atomizes the fight against organized crime when having less visible leaders and can result in an increased perception of criminalization”.

Source: El Universal

Saturday, May 16, 2015

More executions and more banners in Tijuana.

Borderland Beat


Violence keeps increasing in Tijuana. Heads, tortured bodies, daylight shootings and banners are returning to the streets of Tijuana in the middle of a war between criminal cells struggling to gain a little terrain against their competitors.

This war is being fueled by retail cells used by larger cells as cannon fodder and innocent victims are becoming common as drug addicts are being used as hitmen in exchange for some spare change and a dose or two of crystal meth.

Among those innocent victims was a 4 year old boy who died after a group of men shot towards his house and injured both his mom and him, his mom is currently in the hospital but the little kid died from a bullet which destroyed his intestine.

The death of this child prompted Municipal Authorities to quickly try to show a response and briefly presented a man as related to this and being a member of CAF, they quickly changed that version and 3 men were arrested, Miguel Angel Rodriguez Bravo aka "El Popeye", Juan Omar (last name withheld by authorities because he is a minor) and Jesus Flores Flores aka "El Tribi", "El Popeye" was released by the Attorney General´s office under the assumption he was only a "witness" but was quickly executed a few hours later in the same area were the shooting took place.


A woman was executed early today in the same area and a banner was left mentioning the death of the little boy, she apparently had been tortured, having several teeth missing and her skull crushed by a 30 pound rock, she also received 2 shots. The message read:


"ASI LOS VOY A DEJAR COMO A POPEYE PUTA SAPA PONE NIÑOS PERROS MATA NIÑOS. ERES TU TRIBI Y TU GEFE VERSI, GENTE INOCENTE SE RESPETA PUTO CHOMPAS"

Roughly translated into:

"This is how I´ll leave you, just like Popeye, fucking snitch giving kids, fucking child killers. Its you Tribi and your boss Versi. Innocent people are respected fucking Chompas"

All this is part of the war being waged in the Sanchez Taboada district, but that´s not the only district being fought.

2 corpses belonging to two men were abandoned in the back of a pick-up truck outside a Mormon church temple located near the third stage of the Tijuana River Canal. The victims had their ankles, hands and face covered in gray masking tape. The bodies showed visible signs of torture. These men are believed to be part of the cell led by Marco Tulio Carrillo aka "El Marlon", one of the CDS cell leaders threatened in the banner previously left with 2 heads(Read about it HERE).


It was mentioned that another banner was left in a bridge located between Lazaro Cardenas and Federico Benitez blvd. It´s content wasn´t revealed but it was said it was similar to those previously left signed by CAF.

And just hours ago, at 9:00 AM, another man was executed in the Otay Universidad area when he was walking on the street, witness reports claim he was intercepted by several gunmen who shot him several times. According to reports, several "security houses" have been located in the area before.


In Zona Norte there was an execution too, a man was shot just moments ago in the Zona Norte flea market where he sole merchandise, preliminary reports claim there MIGHT be a suspect under custody, the victim who was shot twice was carrying a plastic bag filled with marijuana.

The highly lucrative Zona Norte is being fought by 3 main cells, those loyal to "El Chacal" and formerly under "El Mono" which are aligned with CAF and are the main force there, those under "El Alejo" which apparently work for Jose Soto aka "El Tigre" and his cell and a new group trying to gain control of Zona Norte under orders of "La Rana", brother of "El Akiles", believed to be responsible for the execution of "El Mono"


Friday, May 15, 2015

State Department Quietly Suspended Aid to Army Unit (102nd Battalion) Responsible for June 2014 Tlatlaya Massacre

Borderland Beat posted by DD republished from The National Security Archive and The Intercept

Blood and bullet holes mark the walls of the warehouse where the Tlatlaya executions took place. (Miguel Dimayuga, Proceso)

DD. Mark Twain once said, " If you don't read newspapers you are uninformed. If you do read newspapers you are ill-informed".

Fortunately, for all its faults, today we have the internet and don't have to rely on MSM newspapers and TV. Borderland Beat tries to present factual accurate news stories that you likely won't find on MSM. To do that we research a wide array of sources such as the Security Archive. I invite to you to visit their site and read a little about who and what they are.

From NSArchives

US: Mexico Mass Graves Raise "Alarming Questions" about Government "Complicity" in September 2014 Cartel Killings

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 515

Posted May 12, 2015 Edited by Michael Evans

Washington, DC, May 12, 2015 – A U.S. military “Human Rights Working Group” said that mass graves not related to the September 2014 disappearance of 43 students in Guerrero, Mexico—but nevertheless found during the investigation of that case—raised “alarming questions” about the “level of government complicity” in Mexican cartel killings. The student victims from a rural teachers college in Ayotzinapa were allegedly abducted by local police forces and turned over to members of a local drug gang to be executed. All but one of the students—whose remains were reportedly identified by an Austrian forensic group—are still missing seven months later.

Too many Graves

The October 2014 report from U.S. Northern Command (NORTHCOM) is one of several declassified records obtained by the nongovernmental National Security Archive and highlighted in a new report for The Intercept by former Archive staffer Jesse Franzblau and Cora Currier. The newly-declassified records, some posted here for the first time (links to actual documents follow this story) , shed light on how the U.S. has perceived and responded to allegations of serious human rights abuses committed by U.S.-funded security forces in Mexico, which have become disturbingly common in recent years.

“None of the 28 bodies identified thus far are the remains of the students,” reads a summary of the Working Group meeting circulated to senior officers at NORTHCOM on October 14, 2014, “raising alarming questions about the widespread nature of cartel violence in the region and the level of government complicity.” NORTHCOM, based in Colorado, is the regional military command in charge of Defense Department programs in the United States, Canada and Mexico.

Another item on the Working Group’s agenda was the June 2014 slaying of 22 suspected drug gang members at Tlatlaya, in the state of Mexico, by the Mexican Army’s 102nd Battalion. Four months later, and shortly after the arrests of a Mexican Army officer and seven soldiers from the 102nd for the killings and subsequent cover up, the Working Group “assesse[d] that as more facts come to light there is greater acceptance that the military was involved in wrongdoing,” raising serious questions about the ability of the U.S. to provide aid to military forces in the region.
Building where Mexican soldiers killed 22 alleged criminals in Tlatlaya. (Universal ZumaPress
“If [the military zone commander is] implicated in a gross human rights violation,” the Working Group reported, “the entire military zone and 10,000 personnel will be ineligible for U.S. security cooperation assistance.”

Another NORTHCOM document obtained by the Archive and highlighted in the report is the first public confirmation that the U.S. State Department last year did quietly suspend assistance to the 102nd Battalion following Tlatlaya, pending the outcome of official investigations. The NORTHCOM “Information Paper on San Pedro Limon, Tlatlaya Incident” indicates that the 102nd “is now ineligible to receive US assistance.”



Questioned about the reported suspension of aid by The Intercept, the State Department would only confirm that five members of the battalion had previously been trained by the U.S. but said that none of those five are implicated in the Tlatlaya case. A 1997 law introduced by Senator Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) bars U.S. support to foreign security forces credibly linked to human rights violations.

Franzblau and Currier, the reporters from the Intercept story, call the suspension of aid in the Tlatlaya case “a rare confirmed example of the U.S. government actually cutting off funding for security forces” in Mexico. Even so, the State Department has not said whether any Mexican units tied to the Guerrero disappearances (the 43 students) have been declared ineligible for U.S. aid, as the Leahy law would seem to require in this case.


The Intercept asked the State Department for a list of all Mexican units that have been cut off from U.S. funding because of human rights violations since the Mérida initiative began, but the spokesperson said it was not yet publicly available.

“It’s incomprehensible that they don’t already have that list,” said Laura Carlsen, Mexico City-based director of the Americas Program, in an email to The Intercept. Carlsen has worked for years with a coalition of human rights groups to bring attention to the consequences of U.S. support for the drug war in Mexico.


According to the authors, “The State Department’s piecemeal response to these events highlights the conundrum that Mexico now presents for the United States, as it seeks to help the Mexican government battle drug cartels.” The U.S. has provided some $3 billion in security assistance to Mexican forces since 2008, in addition to billions more in direct military sales and other aid. Franzblau and Currier cite a diplomatic cable published by Wikileaks to “show how U.S.-Mexico security and intelligence relations have reached unparalleled levels of intimacy” in recent years. The 2010 cable from the U.S. Embassy in Mexico City stresses that U.S. “ties with the Military” at that time had “never been closer in terms of not only equipment transfers and training” but also “intelligence exchanges.”

As reported in the Intercept;
In this context, U.S. cooperation with the Mexican government — which entails billions in American financial backing for its war on drugs — is receiving renewed scrutiny.

U.S. government documents obtained by the National Security Archive through Freedom of Information Act requests demonstrate that the United States is well aware that its support is going to Mexican authorities connected to abuses. And yet, with few exceptions, the money keeps flowing.

New evidence provides a rare glimpse of the way U.S. authorities have learned that the Mexican security apparatus has been implicated in specific abuses, and how they have responded. The Tlatlaya incident is a rare confirmed example of the U.S. government actually cutting off funding for security forces.

Since 2008, the U.S. government has spent nearly $3 billion on security aid to Mexico, largely through the Mérida Initiative, a counter-drug strategy modeled on Plan Colombia, through which the United States funneled billions of dollars to that country’s often-brutal drug war. This support comes in addition to direct sales of arms and other equipment, which totaled over $1.15 billion last year alone. Mexico recently surpassed Colombia to become the largest customer for U.S. weapons in Latin America.

The U.S. State Department’s own human rights reporting on Mexico highlights police and military involvement in serious abuses, including unlawful killings, physical abuse, torture and disappearances.

One U.S. Embassy cable from 2011 reported on the discovery of 219 bodies unearthed in a series of mass graves that year around the northern city of Durango. Another cable, from 2010, discusses a mass grave in Acapulco, Guerrero containing the bodies of 18 men, and another near a ranch in the northern state of Chihuahua, filled with 19 men and one woman.

“Clearly elements within the [Mexican] Army believed that they had nothing to fear by slaughtering innocent people execution-style, which indicates a pervasiveness of impunity,” said Tim Rieser, foreign policy aide to Senator Leahy, who has been a longtime advocate for greater pressure on Mexico on human rights, in reference to the Tlatlaya case. “So clearly there’s a long way to go.”

But the unprecedented level of U.S. influence on Mexico’s armed forces came alongside an extraordinary increase in drug war abuses and in human rights violations connected to state and local security forces. The violence that has engulfed Mexico since then has produced a flurry of reports from U.S. diplomatic and intelligence officers expressing concern that America's drug war partners in the Mexican security forces were working hand-in-glove with cartel terrorists.
  • In April 2010, the U.S. Embassy’s Narcotics Affairs Section said that criminal groups operated with “near total impunity in the face of compromised local security forces.”
  • An FBI report from later that year included a list of police officers in Saltillo, Coahuila, who had “provided support and information” to the notorious Los Zetas drug gang.
  • In another case previously reported by the Archive, the U.S. had knowledge of Mexican government efforts to downplay the magnitude of the infamous 2011 San Fernando massacre, in which cartel thugs allied with local police forces kidnapped and murdered hundreds of migrants from intercity buses headed north toward the U.S.-Mexico border. Mexican officials, “speaking off the record,” also told the U.S. that the bodies of the massacre victims were “being split up to make the total number less obvious and thus less alarming.”
One of the key objectives of U.S. aid to Mexico during this time has been to beef up the country’s security communications infrastructure by lending funds, expertise and equipment to the Plataforma Mexico project, which the U.S. State Department described in 2007 as a “billion-dollar scheme for establishing interconnections between all police and prosecutors.” The U.S. poured millions of dollars into Plataforma Mexico, which was essentially a criminal database that connected state- and regional-level intelligence coordination centers known as “C-4s” (“command, control, communications and coordiation”) to each other and to law enforcement officials through a centralized, U.S.-funded command and control facility known as “The Bunker.”

Franzblau and Currier point out that the “more sophisticated C-4s in Mexico’s northern region communicate directly with U.S. agencies, such as Department of Homeland Security offices across the border,” but there is good reason to question the overall effectiveness of the C-4s in combatting drug violence. A 2009 assessment said that neither Plataforma México nor the C-4 in San Pedro, in a suburban section of Monterrey, had been successful in hindering cartel operations. A declassified January 2010 cable from the U.S. Embassy in Mexico, for example, said that the C-4 facility in Tijuana was little more than a “glorified call center” for everyday emergencies that lacked “a strong analytical component.” Two months prior, a separate cable from the Embassy described a range of competency at the various C-4s, from, “at the low end, glorified emergency call centers,” to “[a]t the high end... more professional analytic cells that produce useful analysis and planning documents and also have a quick response time.”
The more complete C-4s include representatives from national and regional entities, and are the nerve centers for day-to-day information flow, intelligence, and directing operations in the state. They are often also the link to national databases, such as Plataforma Mexico. Huge disparities between state C-4s exist, but many states are working to move their units from merely housing emergency dispatchers to being functional hubs of operations and intelligence. The UNITOs [Tactical operational units, or Unidades Táctiva Oprerativo] often rely on information fed from good C-4s, in addition to federal databases and platforms.
Most importantly, as Franzblau and Currier note in their piece, the U.S.-funded C-4s also appear to have played a role in the disappearance of the 43 students in Guerrero:

C-4s certainly didn’t help in the case of the forty-three missing Ayotzinapa students. As The Intercept detailed, internal records produced by Guerrero state investigators show that the regional C-4s near the site of the students’ kidnapping transmitted information on the movement of the students the night that they were attacked. But neither federal law enforcement nor the military intervened to stop the violence.
Reports in the Mexican magazine Proceso and elsewhere linking regional C-4s and other government entities to the events surrounding the Ayotzinapa case have led many to question what the government knew about the massacre and have galvanized calls in Mexico for greater openness about government efforts to bring cartel thugs and their collaborators in the security forces to justice. It remains unclear whether the U.S. will apply Leahy Law sanctions to the C-4 units that were apprently involved in the disappearance of the 43 students.

Mexican authorities have promised transparency but have largely resisted the efforts of journalists and academics to gain access to records on the cases. This despite the fact that Mexican law requires the release of information pertaining to grave violations of human rights in all cases. (In one notable exception, Mexico’s attorney general last year declassified a document from its case file on the 2011 San Fernando massacre showing that local police helped to round up hundreds of migrants later killed at the hands of the Zetas cartel.)

Mexican government stonewalling about the case has some looking to the U.S.—Mexico’s chief sponsor and partner in the anti-drug effort—for answers. A key part of the U.S. paper trail are records indicating how the U.S. government determines whether to suspend security assistance to members and units of the Mexican security forces involved in human rights abuses. One newly-declassified document shows that senior U.S. military officials from NORTHCOM reached out to counterparts from Mexico’s Defense Ministry (SEDENA) about the Tlatlaya killings after receiving multiple questions about the case.

“Since we’ve continued to get inquiries as to what we’ve specifically talked to SEDENA about ref. the Tlatlaya incident, I made a call to SEDENA Enlace,” reads an October 2014 message from the Pentagon official in charge of U.S. military assistance programs in Mexico (the Office of Defense Cooperation – ODC). Among other things, the ODC chief said it was “good news” to hear from SEDENA that alleged human rights cases like Tlatlaya are “taken out of the military justice system” and transferred to civilian authorities.

A 2014 law requires Mexico’s attorney general to prosecute all cases in which Mexican security forces are accused of abusing civilians. But as Franzblau and Currier point out, it is not at all clear that the civil justice system has been any more effective at punishing human rights violators than military tribunals:
A Mexican government database lists over 23,600 people who have been reported disappeared throughout the country; 2014 witnessed 5,133 disappearances, the highest number on record. Impunity remains the norm, with 98.3 [sic - should be 93.8] percent of crimes going unpunished in 2013, according to Mexican government statistics. The U.S. State Department’s own human rights reporting on Mexico highlights police and military involvement in serious abuses, including unlawful killings, physical abuse, torture and disappearances...

The Mexican government’s failure to investigate mass graves provides a revealing example of the problem of impunity. Hundreds of mass graves have been discovered in Mexico in recent years. Despite that, Mexico’s federal prosecutors have reported opening just 15 investigations between 2011 and April 2015, according to documents obtained by the human rights organization Article 19.
The U.S. government has also known about cases where the Mexican government has opened investigations into mass graves only to suppress them later. As the National Security Archive has documented, in 2011, when mass graves were discovered in Northeastern Mexico containing the remains of victims of the Zetas cartel, U.S. officials knew that Mexican authorities were downplaying the massacres and removing remains to make the body count appear less alarming, jeopardizing investigations in the process. (Mexican authorities later released files implicating local police in the crime.)

There are no easy answers to the “alarming questions” raised by the shocking number of mass graves now being unearthed in Mexico. What seems clear is that a U.S. strategy that has poured billions of dollars into Mexico’s drug war over the last decade—mostly aimed at taking down high-profile cartel kingpins—has done little to stem epidemic levels of violence or limit the criminal groups’ ability to compromise government officials at all levels.


“The bigger picture is that this aid does go to human rights violators. U.S. taxpayer dollars are supporting a drug war that emboldens abusive government forces that are executing and disappearing Mexican citizens. No amount of withholding or [human rights] conditioning will change that,” said.Laura Carlson, Mexico City director of the Americas Program.

DD. While the State Dept made a step (a baby step) in the right direction by suspending of assistance to the 102nd Battalion, the money is still flowing.

THE DOCUMENTS (DD; these are summaries, the full documents may be seen at the National Security Archive at the link at the beginning of this post)

Document 1
ca. October 2007
The Deputy Secretary's Meeting with Mexican Secretary of Public Security Genaro Garcia Luna at AFI Headquarters, La Moneda
U.S. State Department, briefing paper, Sensitive But Unclassified, 3 pp.

In a briefing paper prepared for U.S. Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte's meeting with the head of Mexico's Public Security Secretariat (SSP), the State Department's bureau for the Western Hemisphere says SSP chief Genaro Garcia Luna is "creating a massive system of interconnectivity between all levels of law enforcement, Plataforma Mexico, a billion dollar project." Negroponte is instructed to ask, if time allows, about "how Mexican jurisprudence treats privacy issues in context of criminal databases."
Source: FOIA
Document 2
December 5, 2007
Deputy Secretary Negroponte has Cordial Meetings [with] Senior Mexican Security and Law Enforcement Officials
U.S. Embassy Mexico, cable, Confidential, 6 pp.

In a meeting with SSP director Garcia Luna, Deputy Secretary of State Negroponte "emphasized the need for good coordiation among police elements, and noted [the U.S.] commitment to helping Mexico meet its current security challenges." Garcia Luna told Negroponte about Plataforma Mexico, described in the meeting read-out as "the billion-dollar scheme for establishing interconnections between all police and prosecutors." The Plataforma "already reaches every Mexican state," according to the meeting record, "and by January [2008] would extend down to the municipalities, eventually reaching 2000."
Source: U.S. Department of State, FOIA Appeals Review Panel
Document 3
March 4, 2009
Nuevo Leon’s Efforts to Reform State and Local Police Have Not Been Effective
U.S. Consulate Monterrey, cable, Secret

The U.S. Consulate in Monterrey, the capital of the Mexican state of Nuevo León, provides an assessment of law enforcement activities in the wealthy Monterrey suburb of San Pedro. The cable notes that Plataforma México has been installed in the San Pedro regional command, control, communication and coordination center (C-4) and that the U.S.-based global aerospace and technology company Northrop-Grumman served as a prime contractor for a similar facility in the state of Nuevo León, called the C-5.
According to the assessment, U.S. consulate officials do not believe that either Plataforma México or the C-4 in San Pedro had been successful in hindering cartel operations.
Source: Wikileaks
Document 4 November 10, 2009 Mexico: More Interagency Cooperation Needed on Intelligence Issues U.S. Embassy Mexico, cable, Secret
This cable provides a detailed assessment of the capacity of Mexico’s intelligence agencies, and explains the functions of the state level command and control centers, and the Plataforma database. The cable reads:
10. (C) The state-level C-4 centers (command, control, communications, and coordination) are, at the low end, glorified emergency call centers. At the high end, they include more professional analytic cells that produce useful analysis and planning documents and also have a quick response time. The more complete C-4s include representatives from national and regional entities, and are the nerve centers for day-to-day information flow, intelligence, and directing operations in the state. They are often also the link to national databases, such as Plataforma Mexico. Huge disparities between state C-4s exist, but many states are working to move their units from merely housing emergency dispatchers to being functional hubs of operations and intelligence. The UNITOs [Tactical operational units, or Unidades Táctiva Oprerativo] often rely on information fed from good C-4s, in addition to federal databases and platforms.
11. (C) Plataforma Mexico is another important piece of the intel puzzle and continues to expand its presence throughout the country. The mega-criminal database has a wide array of information-sharing and analytical tools that help to track and share information on individuals and organized crime cells, vehicles, air movements, and is linked with an increasing number of surveillance and security cameras. The database is housed at SSP and is being deployed to an increasing number of states, with different tiers of access that are controlled through the vetting system.
Source: Wikileaks
Document 5
January 12, 2010
Tijuana Bilateral Assessment
U.S. Embassy Mexico, cable, Confidential, 8 pp.

Like the previous document, this declassified cable from the U.S. Embassy in Mexico characterizes the C-4 center in Tijuana, Baja California, as a “glorified call center.”
Source: FOIA
Document 6
January 29, 2010
Scenesetter for the Opening of the Defense Bilateral Working Group, Washington, D.C., February 1
U.S. Embassy Mexico, cable, Secret

In 2010, with the U.S.-funded Mérida Initiative aid package in full swing, the U.S. Embassy noted in a cable released by Wikileaks that, “our ties with the military have never been closer in terms of not only equipment transfers and training,” but also “intelligence exchanges.”

Source: Wikileaks
Document 7
April 16, 2010
Narcotics Affairs Section Mexico Monthly Report for March 2010
U.S. Embassy in Mexico, cable, unclassified, 11 pp.

The U.S. Embassy's Narcotics Affairs Section provides a monthly summary of internal developments in Mexico, reporting that "March ended as one of the bloodiest months on record, with an estimated 900 killings nationwide." The cable says that Mexican government officials did not anticipate the sharp increase in violence in the northeast that occurred as the Zetas took control the lucrative plazas in the region. U.S. officials report the violence has "cut a swath across north-east Mexico, including key towns in Tamaulipas, Coahuila, and Nuevo Leon, and even in neighboring Durango." The Embassy message notes the failure of the Mexican authorities to manage the growing threat, highlighting how "DTO's [Drug Trafficking Organizations] have operated fairly openly and with freedom of movement and operations…In many cases they operated with near total impunity in the face of compromised local security forces."
As part of U.S. support provided through the Mérida Initiative, the document also reports on U.S. efforts to implement an initiative to train regional police under the Culture of Lawfulness education initiative, involving officials from the now-defunct Secretariat of Public Security (SSP) in Baja California, Chihuahua, Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas.
Source: FOIA
Document 8
August 19, 2010
2010 Omnibus INCLE ALOA Ready for Signature
U.S. State Department, cable, unclassified, 4pp.

In August 2010, the State Department reported that over $6 million was authorized for the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) to support the implementation of the Plataforma software in regional C-4s.
Source: FOIA
Document 9
August 23, 2010
DOD Counter Narcoterrorism Technology Program Office (CNTPO) Program and Operations Support, TORP 0200, Revision Number 00
DOD, task order, performance work statements, 17 pp.

This document discusses how the DOD Counter Narcoterrorism Technology Program Office (CNTPO) contracted out projects to provide support for Mexico’s regional command centers (C-4s). The CNTPO request for proposals discusses requirements for program and operations support for ten C-4 sites.
The support included providing relay capability at existing Mexican communications facilities for connectivity to the C-4 sites. This involved conducting site surveys in order to verify equipment required to satisfy the requirements for ten C-4 sites and two microwave relay facilities in Mexico that would correspond to microwave facilities run by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and Customs and Border Protection (CBP). The contractor hired to provide the equipment was to interact with other Mexican and U.S. agencies (e.g. C-4s, DHS, CPB) where needed to perform and complete the required activities. The contractor was also tasked to provide training to personnel from Mexican state and federal offices.
Source: FOIA
Document 10
November 19, 2010
Administrative Revision - Provision of Support to Los Zetas by Saltillo, Coahuila, Mexico, Municipal Police Officers and Polic [sic]
U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, Intelligence Information Report, Secret/Noforn, 3 pp.

FBI authorities in Mexico report information connecting police officials in Saltillo, Coahuila, to the Zetas and to “drug trafficking and homicides.” A list of officers who “provided support and information to Los Zetas” is redacted from the document.
Source: FOIA
DOCUMENT 11
April 15, 2011
Tamaulipas' Mass Graves: Body Count Reaches 145
U.S. Consulate Matamoros, cable, unclassified, 4 pp.

Summing up information taken from official sources, the U.S. Consulate reports that a total of 36 grave site containing 145 bodies were discovered in the San Fernando area during a SEDENA operation that took place April 1-14, 2011. Seventeen Zetas and 16 members of the San Fernando police have been arrested in connection with the deaths. The police officials are being charged with "protecting the Los Zetas TCO members responsible for the kidnapping and murder of bus passengers in the San Fernando area."
Off the record, Mexican officials tell Consulate officials that "the bodies are being split up to make the total number less obvious and thus less alarming." Consulate officers also comment that, "Tamaulipas officials appear to be trying to downplay both the San Fernando discoveries and the state responsibility for them, even though a recent trip to Ciudad Victoria revealed state officials fully cognizant of the hazards of highway travel in this area."
Source: FOIA
Document 12
Ca. October 8, 2014
ODC Chief Comments
U.S. Northern Command, ODC Mexico Weekly Report, Unclassified/For Official Use Only, 5 pp.

The chief of the U.S. Office of Defense Cooperation (ODC) in Mexico reports on his communications with Mexican defense officials after repeated queries about the Tlatlaya case.
Source: FOIA
Document 13
October 15, 2014
INFO – Summary Human Rights Working Group, 15 OCT
U.S. Northern Command, report, Unclassified, 2 pp.

This summary of the U.S. Northern Command’s “Human Rights Working Group” from October 15, 2014 focuses on two major human rights cases of concern that month. The first case was related to the alleged military involvement in the Tlatlaya killings, in which four individuals had been taken into civilian custody (three soldiers for murder charges and one lieutenant for cover up charges) and an additional four soldiers were in military custody for violations of the military justice code. According to the report, “New facts indicate that these personnel were a patrol involved in the extrajudicial killing of 8 cartel members following two firefights with multiple civilian casualties.”
The summary goes on to note that Mexico’s military is investigating the major general in charge of the military zone overseeing the battalion accused of the killing (the 102nd Battalion). The notes from the meeting indicate that if credible allegations connect the commander to a gross human rights violation, “the entire military zone and 10,000 personnel will be ineligible for U.S. security cooperation assistance.” Further, the U.S. Office of Defense Cooperation (ODC) assesses that as more facts come to light, “there is greater acceptance the military was involved in wrong-doing.”
The other issue of concern for the U.S. military last October was the police involvement in the disappearance of the 43 students from Ayotzinapa kidnapped in Guerrero. While there had been approximately 50 arrests of police and government officials, the report notes that the students’ whereabouts are unknown. Further, nine new mass graves have been found outside of Iguala, but “None of the 28 bodies identified thus far are the remains of the students, raising alarming questions about the widespread nature of cartel violence in the region and the level of government complicity.”
Source: FOIA
Document 14
January 14, 2015
Information Paper on San Pedro Limón, Tlatlaya Incident
U.S. Northern Command (NORTHCOM), unclassified, report, 1pp.

The document provides the latest update on the Tlatlaya killings, reporting that the government of Mexico “has detained and charged seven SEDENA personnel in conjunction with the killing of twenty-two individuals on 30 June 2014 in San Pedro Limon, Tlatlaya, Mexico State.” According to the report, “The unit implicated is now ineligible to receive US assistance.” The report states that none of the alleged perpetrators previously received U.S.-funded training, but notes that the incident has received “extensive negative coverage in international press and, along with subsequent cases involving police, has prompted non-government organizations to lobby the US legislature to suspend security assistance to Mexico.”
The document gives the following account of the incident: “SEDENA members of the 120nd [sic] infantry Battalion stationed in Santa María Ixtapan responded to an anonymous call in the early morning of 30 June, regarding the presence of armed suspects at a warehouse in Tlatlaya. A firefight ensued between the military and the civilians on site (suspected to be members of the Guerreros Unidos Cartel). According to the Mexican Attorney General (PGR), one soldier was wounded during the confrontation, and all 22 of the civilians were either killed or wounded. Four soldiers are accused of entering the warehouse alter the conclusion of the firefight, and killing all remaining civilians. Evidence indicates up to fifteen of the twenty two civilians were killed alter the firefight, and prosecutions are focused on these killings.”
The NORTHCOM information paper adds that “SEDENA’s 102nd Infantry Battalion, and that the State Department has suspended U.S. funded assistance to this unit pending the results of the investigations.”
Source: FOIA